Shortly after
President Donald Trump formally announced the decision to withdraw the US from
the Iran deal on Tuesday, former President Barack Obama released a lengthy
statement denouncing the move as “so misguided,” adding that it could
jeopardize the country’s credibility globally and risks destroying the goal of
limiting Iran’s nuclear capabilities.
“Walking away
from the JCPOA turns our back on America’s closest allies, and an agreement
that our country’s leading diplomats, scientists, and intelligence
professionals negotiated,” Obama said in the statement. “In a democracy, there
will always be changes in policies and priorities from one Administration to
the next. But the consistent flouting of agreements that our country is a party
to risks eroding America’s credibility, and puts us at odds with the world’s
major powers.”
The former
president continued his criticism of the move by outlining several points
concerning the historic agreement—generally considered to be the signature
foreign policy achievement of his administration—many of which contradicted
Trump’s frequent attacks against the deal. Similar to his previous statements
condemning the actions and policies of the Trump administration, Obama’s
statement did not directly mention Trump by name.There are few issues more
important to the security of the United States than the potential spread of
nuclear weapons, or the potential for even more destructive war in the Middle
East. That’s why the United States negotiated the Joint Comprehensive Plan of
Action (JCPOA) in the first place.
The reality
is clear. The JCPOA is working – that is a view shared by our European allies,
independent experts, and the current U.S. Secretary of Defense. The JCPOA is in
America’s interest – it has significantly rolled back Iran’s nuclear program.
And the JCPOA is a model for what diplomacy can accomplish – its inspections
and verification regime is precisely what the United States should be working
to put in place with North Korea. Indeed, at a time when we are all rooting for
diplomacy with North Korea to succeed, walking away from the JCPOA risks losing
a deal that accomplishes – with Iran – the very outcome that we are pursuing
with the North Koreans.
That is why
today’s announcement is so misguided. Walking away from the JCPOA turns our
back on America’s closest allies, and an agreement that our country’s leading
diplomats, scientists, and intelligence professionals negotiated. In a
democracy, there will always be changes in policies and priorities from one
Administration to the next. But the consistent flouting of agreements that our
country is a party to risks eroding America’s credibility, and puts us at odds
with the world’s major powers.
Debates in
our country should be informed by facts, especially debates that have proven to
be divisive. So it’s important to review several facts about the JCPOA.
First, the
JCPOA was not just an agreement between my Administration and the Iranian
government. After years of building an international coalition that could
impose crippling sanctions on Iran, we reached the JCPOA together with the
United Kingdom, France, Germany, the European Union, Russia, China, and Iran.
It is a multilateral arms control deal, unanimously endorsed by a United
Nations Security Council Resolution.
Second, the
JCPOA has worked in rolling back Iran’s nuclear program. For decades, Iran had
steadily advanced its nuclear program, approaching the point where they could
rapidly produce enough fissile material to build a bomb. The JCPOA put a lid on
that breakout capacity. Since the JCPOA was implemented, Iran has destroyed the
core of a reactor that could have produced weapons-grade plutonium; removed
two-thirds of its centrifuges (over 13,000) and placed them under international
monitoring; and eliminated 97 percent of its stockpile of enriched uranium –
the raw materials necessary for a bomb. So by any measure, the JCPOA has
imposed strict limitations on Iran's nuclear program and achieved real results.
Third, the
JCPOA does not rely on trust – it is rooted in the most far-reaching
inspections and verification regime ever negotiated in an arms control deal.
Iran’s nuclear facilities are strictly monitored. International monitors also
have access to Iran’s entire nuclear supply chain, so that we can catch them if
they cheat. Without the JCPOA, this monitoring and inspections regime would go
away.
Fourth, Iran
is complying with the JCPOA. That was not simply the view of my Administration.
The United States intelligence community has continued to find that Iran is
meeting its responsibilities under the deal, and has reported as much to
Congress. So have our closest allies, and the international agency responsible
for verifying Iranian compliance – the International Atomic Energy Agency
(IAEA).
Fifth, the
JCPOA does not expire. The prohibition on Iran ever obtaining a nuclear weapon
is permanent. Some of the most important and intrusive inspections codified by
the JCPOA are permanent. Even as some of the provisions in the JCPOA do become
less strict with time, this won’t happen until ten, fifteen, twenty, or
twenty-five years into the deal, so there is little reason to put those
restrictions at risk today.
Finally, the
JCPOA was never intended to solve all of our problems with Iran. We were
clear-eyed that Iran engages in destabilizing behavior – including support for
terrorism, and threats toward Israel and its neighbors. But that’s precisely
why it was so important that we prevent Iran from obtaining a nuclear weapon.
Every aspect of Iranian behavior that is troubling is far more dangerous if
their nuclear program is unconstrained. Our ability to confront Iran’s
destabilizing behavior – and to sustain a unity of purpose with our allies – is
strengthened with the JCPOA, and weakened without it.
Because of
these facts, I believe that the decision to put the JCPOA at risk without any
Iranian violation of the deal is a serious mistake. Without the JCPOA, the
United States could eventually be left with a losing choice between a
nuclear-armed Iran or another war in the Middle East. We all know the dangers
of Iran obtaining a nuclear weapon. It could embolden an already dangerous
regime; threaten our friends with destruction; pose unacceptable dangers to
America’s own security; and trigger an arms race in the world’s most dangerous
region. If the constraints on Iran’s nuclear program under the JCPOA are lost,
we could be hastening the day when we are faced with the choice between living
with that threat, or going to war to prevent it.
In a
dangerous world, America must be able to rely in part on strong, principled
diplomacy to secure our country. We have been safer in the years since we
achieved the JCPOA, thanks in part to the work of our diplomats, many members
of Congress, and our allies. Going forward, I hope that Americans continue to
speak out in support of the kind of strong, principled, fact-based, and
unifying leadership that can best secure our country and uphold our
responsibilities around the globe.
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